Saturday, May 07, 2011

Every Thing You Ever Needed to Know about Hitler but Were Afraid to Ask



In my World History Class, I teach a section on the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx. Invariably I will have a student who has heard Marx praised, who has been told the old lie that: “if done right Communism would work, that it would have saved the world.” I wait for this challenge; then I ask the student if he has ever read Marx. When he admits he has not, I introduce the Manifesto and read Ch. 2 with my students. By the end of the reading, the truth, that Marx – like the Devil, was a liar from the beginning, becomes obvious.

It was not long after the Lesson on Marx that, in the same class, the discussion turned to Adolph Hitler. I proceeded to give my opinion of the man, at which point one of the class members asked to know if I had ever read Hitler’s book. When I admitted I had not, the student demanded to know “how I could possible comment on the man if I had never read his book?” He had me. That is how I embarked on this project.

To date, I have read the first volume ( 379 pgs) of Hitler’s book, published by the Houghton Mifflin Company in 1971 and translated by Ralph Manheim and Abraham Foxman, a book of 687 pages. I now feel justified in speaking my mind on him, but more importantly, I feel I can condense the essence of Mein Kampf and spare others the “struggle”. I have selected 125 quotes that reveal Hitler’s thinking on the issues listed in the index below. It would be best to read them without too much critique. I intentionally did not read the introduction to my copy of the copy of the book from which all quotes were selected.

I will preface your reading with a simple observation:

To pretend that the man was stupid cheapens the sacrifice of those who he destroyed and tarnishes the virtue of the heroes who undid him and his wickedness. He displays brilliance and a cognizance of truth, but all is polluted by a mindless hate which misdirects his efforts and damns his goals.

Written in 1924, long before Hitler had amassed any real power, these quotes, nonetheless, reveal his latent power as well as the malignant perversion that will turn it all to not and cause so much misery.

I have placed the quotes in order and I suggest reading them all. This will be a small price to pay for insight into the mind of the monster; a relatively minor investment that will provide an inoculation from deception. One could pick and choose topics of specific interest; this too will be helpful for those seeking to know what they are talking about. Either way, the best way to know what Hitler believed is to read his own words, to examine his own thoughts, and to draw your own conclusions.



Mein Kampf – Volume One – A Reckoning

Index to Quotes

Art: 16, 76, 77

Books: 5

Capitalism: 57

Class: 116

Culture: 109

Debate: 14

Democracy: 17, 28, 33, 64, 99, 122

Education: 6, 24, 61, 73

Ends: 59, 71, 72, 120

England: 34, 35

Force: 39, 40

Free Trade: 33

Genius: 88

Idealism: 90, 91, 92, 93

Interests: 2

Jews: 12. 13, 63, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 105

Lies: 62, 124

Land: 28, 29, 30, 31

Leader: 121

Marxism: 15, 37, 68, 101, 107

Military Service: 36

Moral: 56

Nationalism: 3, 112

Pacifism: 23

Politics: 21, 58, 108

Pornography: 75, 76, 79, 80

Propaganda: 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 119

Press: 19, 20, 38, 42, 65, 66, 67, 104

Race: 25, 70, 81, 83, 85, 86, 87, 89, 106, 111, 114, 115

Reason: 41, 113

Relativism: 84

Religion: 78, 110, 123

Social Darwinism: 26, 27, 69, 82, 85

Social Security: 100

Socialism: 7, 11

Speaking: 60, 118, 125

Teacher: 4

Unions: 8, 9, 10, 102, 103

War: 1, 32, 35, 43, 44

Workers: 117



Quotes:

1. [War] Only when the Reich borders include the very last German, but can no longer guarantee his daily bread, will moral right to acquire foreign soil arise from the distress of our own people. Their sword will become our plow, and from tears of war the daily bred of future generations will grow. (pg – 3)

2. [Interests] By far my best accomplishments were in geography and even more so in history. These were my favorite subject, in which I led the class. (pg – 10)

3. [Nationalism] In a short time I had become a fanatical ‘German Nationalist,’ though the term was not identical with our present party concept. (pg – 13)

4. [Teacher] Perhaps it affected my whole later life that good fortune sent me a history teacher who was one of the few to observe this principle in teaching and examining. D. Leopold Potsch, my professor at the Realschule in Linz, embodied this requirement to an ideal degree. This old gentleman’s manner was as kind as it was determined, his dazzling eloquence not only held us spellbound but actually carried us away. Even today I think back with gentle emotion on this gray-haired man who, by the fire of his narratives, sometimes made us forget the present; who, as if by enchantment, carried us into past times and , out of the millennial veils of mist, molded dry historical memories into living reality. On such occasions we sat there, often aflame with enthusiasm, and sometimes even moved to tears.

What made our good fortune all the greater was that his teacher knew how to illuminate the past by examples from the present, and how from the past to draw inferences for the present. (pg – 14)

5. [Books] Aside from my architecture and my rare visits to the Opera, paid for in hunger, I had but one pleasure: my books.

At that time I read enormously and thoroughly. All the free time my work left me was employed in my studies. In this way I forged in a few years’ time the foundations of a knowledge form which I still draw nourishment today. (pg – 23)

6. [Education] Morally poisoned, physically undernourished, his poor little head full of lice, the young ‘citizen’ goes off to public school. After a great struggle he may learn to read and write, but that is about all. His doing any homework is out of the question. On the contrary, the very mother and father, even in the presence of the children, talk about his teacher and school in terms which are not fit to be repeated, and are more inclined to curse the latter to their face than to take their little offspring across their knees and teach them some sense. All the other things that the little fellow hears at home do not tend to increase his respect for his dear fellow men. Nothing good remains of humanity, no institution remains unassailed; beginning with his teacher and up to the head of the government, whether it is a question of religion or of morality as such, of the state or society, it is all the same, everything is reviled in the most obscene terms and dragged into the filth of the basest possible outlook. When at the age of fourteen the young man is discharged form school, it is hard to decide what is stronger in him; his incredible stupidity as far as any real knowledge and ability are concerned, or the corrosive insolence of his behavior, combined with the immorality, even at this age, which would make your hair stand on end. (pgs – 32-33)

7. [Socialism] This is a tactic based on precise calculation of all human weaknesses, and its result will lead to success with almost mathematical certainty unless the opposing side learns to combat poison gas with poison gas.

It is our duty to inform all weaklings that this is a question of to be or not to be.

I achieved an equal understanding of the imporrtance of physical terror toward the individual and the masses. Here, too, the psychological effect can be calculated with precision.

Terror at the place of employment, in the factory, in the meeting hall, and on the occasion of mass demonstrations will always be successful unless opposed by equal terror. [pgs – 43-44)

8. [Unions] By my twentieth year I had learned to distinguish between a union as a means of defending the general social rights of the wage-earner, and obtaining better living conditions for him as an individual, and the trade union as an instrument of the party in the political class struggle.

The fact that Social Democracy understood the enormous importance of the trade-union movement assured it of this instrument and hence of success; the fact that the bourgeoisie were not aware of this cost them their political position. They thought they could stop a logical development by means of an impertinent ‘rejection,’ but in reality they only forced it into illogical channels. For to call the trade-union movement in itself unpatriotic is nonsense and untrue to boot. Rather the contrary is true. If trade-union activity strives and succeeds in bettering the lot of a class which is one of the basic supports of the nation, its work is not only not anti-patriotic or seditious, but ‘national’ in the truest sense of the word. For in this way it helps to create the social premises without which a general national education is unthinkable. It wins the highest merit by eliminating social cankers, attacking intellectual as well as physical infections, and thus helping to contribute to the general health of the body politic. (pg – 46)

9. [Unions] Thus, trade-unions organization can lead to a strengthening of the social idea in its practical effects on daily life, and thereby to an elimination of irritants which are constantly giving cause to dissatisfaction and complaints. (pg – 48)

10 [Unions] In this way the intrinsic purpose was gradually submerged, making place for new aims.

It never occurred to the Social Democrats to limit the movement they had thus captured to its original task.

No, that was far from their intention.

In a few decades the weapon for defending the social rights of man had, in their experienced hands, become an instrument for the destruction of the national economy. And they did not let themselves be hindered in the least by the interests of the workers. For in politics, as in other fields, the use of economic pressure always permits blackmail, as long as the necessary unscrupulousness is present on the one side, and sufficient sheep-like patience on the other.

Something which in this case was true of both sides.

By the turn of the century, the trade-union movement had ceased to serve its former function. From year to year it had entered more and more into the sphere of Social Democratic politics and finally had no use except as a battering-ram in the class struggle. (pg – 48)

11. [Social Democrats] The official party literature was not much use for this purpose. In so far as it deals with economic questions, its assertions and proofs are false; in so far as it treats of political aims, it lies. Moreover, I was inwardly repelled by the new-fangled pettifogging phraseology and the style in which it was written. With an enormous expenditure of words, unclear in content or incomprehensible as to meaning, they stammer an endless hodgepodge of phrases purportedly as witty as in reality they are meaningless. Only our decedent metropolitan bohemians can feel at home in this maze of reasoning and cull an ‘inner experience’ form this dung-heap of literary Dadaism, supported by the proverbial modesty of a section of our people who always detect profound wisdom in what is most incomprehensible to them personally. However, by balancing the theoretical untruth and nonsense of this doctrine with the reality of the phenomenon, I gradually obtained a clear picture of its intrinsic will.

12. [Jews] There were few Jews in Linz. In the course of the centuries their outward appearance had become Europeanized and had taken on a human look; in fact, I even took them for Germans. The absurdity of this idea did not dawn on me because I saw no distinguishing feature but the strange religion. The fact that they had, as I believed, been persecuted on this account sometimes almost turned my distaste at unfavorable remarks about them into horror.

Thus far I did not so much as suspect the existence of an organized opposition to the Jews.

Then I came to Vienna. (pg – 52)

13. [Jews] In a short time I was made more thoughtful than ever by my slowly rising insight into the type of activity carried on by the Jews in certain fields.

Was there any form of filth or profligacy, particularly in cultural life, without at least one Jew involved in it?

If you cut even cautiously into such an abscess, you found, like a maggot in a rotting body, often dazzled by the sudden light – a kike! (pg – 57)

14. [Debate] The more I argued with them, the better I came to know their dialectic. First they counted on the stupidity of their adversary, and then, when there was no other way out, they themselves simply played stupid. If all this didn’t help, they pretended not to understand, or, if challenged, they changed the subject in a hurry spouted platitudes which, if you accepted them, they immediately related to entirely different matters, and then, if again attacked, gave ground and pretended not to know exactly what you were talking about. Whenever you tried to attack one of these apostles, your hand closed on a jelly-like slime which divide up and poured through your fingers, but in the next moment collected again. (pg – 62)

15. [Marxism] The Jewish doctrine of Marxism rejects the aristocratic principle of Nature and replaces the eternal privilege of power and strength by the mass of numbers and their dead weight. Thus it denies the value of personality in man, contests the significance of nationality and race, and thereby withdraws from humanity the premise of its existence and its culture. As a foundation of the universe, this doctrine would bring about the end of any order intellectually conceivable to man. And as, in this greatest of all recognizable organisms, the result of an application of such a law could only be chaos, on earth it could only be destruction for the inhabitants of this planet.

If, with the help of his Marxist creed, the Jew is victorious over the other peoples of the world, his crown will be the funeral wreath of humanity and this planet will, as it did thousands of years ago, move through the ether devoid of men.

Eternal Nature inexorably avenges the infringement of her commands.

Hence today I believe that I am acting in accordance with the will of the Almighty Creator” by defending myself against the Jew, I am fighting for the work of the Lord. (pg – 65)

16. [Art] Aside from the trash of the more modern artistic development, which a nation of Negroes might just as well have produced, the German alone possessed a disseminated a truly artistic attitude. (pg – 70)

17. [Democracy] The Western Democracy of today is the forerunner of Marxism which without it would not be thinkable. . . .

The parliament arrives at some decision whose consequences may be ever so ruinous – nobody bears any responsibility for this, no one can be taken to account. For can it be called an acceptance of responsibility if, after an unparalleled catastrophe, the guilty government resigns? Or if the coalition changes, or even if parliament is itself dissolved?

Can a fluctuating majority of people ever be made responsible in any case? (pgs – 78-79)

18. [Democracy] Does anyone believe that the progress of this world springs from the mind of majorities and not from the brains of individuals?

Or does anyone expect that the future will be able to dispense with this premise of human culture? (pg – 80)

19. [Press] The thing we designate by the word ‘public opinion’ rests only in the smallest part on the experience or knowledge which the individual has acquired by himself, but rather on the idea which is inspired by so-called ‘enlightenment,’ often of a highly persistent and obtrusive type.

Just as a man’s denominational orientation is the result of upbringing, and only the religious need as such slumbers in his soul, the political opinion of the masses represents nothing but the final result of an incredibly tenacious and thorough manipulation of their mind and soul.

By far the greatest share in their political ‘education,’ which in this case is most aptly designated by the word ‘propaganda,’ fall to the account of the press. It is foremost in performing this ‘work of enlightenment’ and thus represents a sort of school for grown-ups. This instruction, however, is not in the hands of the state. But in the claws of forces which are in part very inferior. In Vienna as a very young man I had the best opportunity to becoming acquainted with the owners and spiritual manufacturers of this machine for educating the masses. At first I could not help but be amazed at how short a time it took this great evil power within the state to create a certain opinion even where it meant totally falsifying profound desires and views which surely existed among the public. In a few days a ridiculous episode had become a significant state action while, conversely, at the same time, vital problems fell a pray to public oblivion, or rather were simply filched from the memory and consciousness of the masses. (pg – 85)

20. [Press] There is absolutely nothing one of these spiritual robber barons will not do to achieve his savory aims.

He will poke into the most secret family affairs and not rest until his truffle-searching instinct digs up some miserable incident which is calculated to finish off the unfortunate victim. But if, after the most careful sniffing, absolutely nothing is found, either in the man’s public or private life, one of these scoundrels simply seizes on slander, in the firm conviction that despite a thousand refutations something always sticks and , moreover, through the immediate and hundredfold repetition of his defamations by all his accomplices, any resist and on the part of the victim is in most cases utterly impossible; and it must be borne in mind that this rabble never acts out of motives which might seem credible or even understandable to the rest of humanity. God forbid! While one of the scum is attacking his beloved fellow men in the most contemptible fashion, the octopus covers himself with a veritable cloud of respectability and unctuous phrases, prates about ‘journalistic duty’ and such-like lies . . . (pg – 86)

21. [Politics] Never will one of these representative of the people honor a superior truth of his own accord, and place himself in its service.

No, this is something that not a single one of them will do unless he has reason to hope that by such a shift he may save his mandate for one more session. (pg – 104)

22. [ Democracy] Thus, for example, they would indignantly oppose any attempt at a dictatorship, even if it was represented by a Frederick the Great and the momentary political comedians of a parliamentary majority were incapable dwarfs or really inferior characters, just because the law of democracy seems holier to such a principle-monger that the welfare of a nation. The one will therefore defend the worst tyranny, a tyranny which is ruining the people, since at the moment it embodies ‘state authority’ while the other rejects even the most beneficial government as soon as it fails to satisfy his conception of ‘democracy.’

23. [Pacifism] In exactly the same way, our German pacifist will accept in silence the bloodiest rape of our nation at the hands of the most vicious military power if a change in the state of affairs can be achieved only by resistance – that is, force – for this would be contrary to the spirit of his peace society. (pgs 111-112)

24. [Education] Education in democracy, in socialism of the international variety, in pacifism, etc., is a thing so rigid and exclusive, so purely subjective from these points of view, that the general picture of the remaining world is colored by this dogmatic conception, while the attitude toward Germanism has remained exceedingly objective from early youth. (pg 112)

25. [Race] I was repelled by the conglomeration of races which the capital showed me, repelled by this whole mixture of Czechs, Poles, Hungarians, Ruthenians, Serbs, and Croats, and everywhere, the eternal mushroom of humanity – Jews and more Jews.

To me the giant city [Vienna] seemed the embodiment of racial desecration.

. . . The longer I lived in this city, the more my hatred grew for the foreign mixture of peoples which had begun to corrode this old site of German culture. (pg – 123)

26. [Social Darwinism] While Nature, by making procreation free, yet submitting survival to a hard trial, chooses from an excess number of individuals the best as worthy of living, thus preserving them alone and in them conserving their species, man limits procreation, but is hysterically concerned that once a being is born it should be preserved at any price. . . . the natural struggle for existence which leaves only the strongest and healthiest alive is obviously replaced by the obvious desire to ‘save’ even the weakest and most sickly at any price, and this plants the seed of a future generation which must inevitably grow more and more deplorable the longer this mockery of Nature and his will continues.

. . . A stronger race will drive out the weak, for the vital urge in its ultimate form will, time and again, burst all the absurd fetters of the so-called humanity of individuals, in order to replace it by the humanity of Nature which destroys the weak to give his place to the strong. (pg – 132)

27. [Social Darwinism] Then, though in a perhaps very distant future, there will be but two possibilities either the world will be governed according to the ideas of our modern democracy, and then the weight of any decision will result in favor of the numerically stronger race, or the world will be dominated in accordance with the laws of natural order of force, and then it is the peoples of brutal will who will conquer, and consequently once again not the nation of self-restriction.

No one can doubt that this world will some day be exposed to the severest struggles for the existence of mankind. In the end, only the urge for self-preservation can conquer. Beneath it so-called humanity, the expression of a mixture of stupidity, cowardice, and know-it-all conceit, will melt like snow in the March sun. Mankind has grown great in eternal struggle, and only in eternal peace does it perish. (pg – 134)

28. [Land] It cannot be emphasized sharply enough that any German internal colonization must serve to eliminate social abuses particularly to withdraw the soil from side spread speculation, but can never suffice to secure the future of the nation without the acquisition of new soil.

The size of the area inhabited by a people constitutes in itself an essential factor for determining its outward security. The greater the quantity of space at the disposal of the people, the greater its natural protection; for military decision against peoples living in a small restricted area have always been obtained more quickly and hence more easily, and in particular more effectively and completely, than can, conversely, be possible against territorially extensive states. (pgs – 136-137)

29. [Land] We must, therefore, coolly and objectively adopt the standpoint that it can certainly not be the intention of Heaven to give one people fifty times as much land and soil in this world as another. In this case we must not let political boundaries obscure for us the boundaries of eternal justice. (pg – 138)

30. [Land – U.S.] Today many European states are like pyramids stood on their heads. Their European area is absurdly small in comparison to their weight of colonies, foreign trade, etc. We may say: summit in Europe, base in the whole world; contrasting with the American Union which possesses its base in its own continent and touches the rest of the earth only with its summit. And from this comes the immense inner strength of this state and the weakness of most European colonial powers. (pg – 139)

31. [Land – German Conquests] For Germany, consequently, the only possibility for carrying out a healthy territorial policy lay in the acquisition of new land in Europe itself. Colonies cannot serve this purpose unless they seem in large part suited for settlement by Europeans. But in the nineteenth century such colonial territories were no longer obtainable by peaceful means. Consequently, such a colonial policy could only have been carried out by means of a hard struggle which, however, would have been carried on to much better purpose, not for territories outside of Europe, but for land on the home continent itself. (pg – 139)

32. [War] It was indispensable to see clearly that this aim could be achieved only by struggle, and consequently to face the contest of arms with calm and composure.

. . . If land was desired in Europe, it could be obtained by and large only at the expense of Russia, and this meant that the new Reich must again set itself on the march along the road of the Teutonic Knights of old, to obtain by the German sword sod for the German plow and daily bred for the nation.

33. [Free Trade] Only children could have thought that they could get their bananas in the ‘peaceful contest of nations,’ by friendly and moral conduct and constant emphasis on their peaceful intentions, as they so high-soundingly and unctuously babbled, in other words, without ever having to take up arms.

. . . To talk about the ‘peaceful economic’ conquest of the world was possibly the greatest nonsense which has ever been exalted to be a guiding principle of state policy. (pgs – 142-143)

34. [England] England, in particular, should have been recognized as the striking refutation of this theory; for no people has ever with greater brutality better prepared its economic conquests with the sword, and later ruthlessly defended them, than the English nation. Is it not positively the distinguishing feature of British statesmanship to draw economic acquisitions form political strength, and at once to recast every gain in economic strength into political power? And what an error to believe that England is personally too much of a coward to stake her own blood for her economic policy! The fact that the English people possessed no ‘people’s army’ in no way proved the contrary; for what matters is not the momentary military form of the fighting forces, but rather the will and determination to risk those which do exist. England has always possessed whatever armament she happened to need. She always fought with the weapons which success demanded. She fought with mercenaries as long as mercenaries sufficed; but she reached down into the precious blood of the whole nation when only such a sacrifice could bring victory; but the determination for victory, the tenacity and ruthless pursuit of the struggle, remained unchanged. (pg – 144)

35. [War] If, however, we consider the question, what , in reality, are the state-forming or even state-preserving forces, we can sum them up under one single head: the ability and will of the individual to sacrifice himself for the totality. That these virtues have nothing at all to do with economics can be seen from the simple realization that man never sacrifices himself for the latter, or, in other words: a man does not die for business, but only for ideals. Nothing proved the Englishman’s superior psychological knowledge of the popular soul better than the motivation which he gave to his struggle. While we fought for bread, England fought for ‘freedom’; and not even for her own, no, for that of the small nations, In our country we laughed at this effrontery, or were enraged at it, and thus only demonstrated how empty-headed and stupid the so-called statesmen of Germany had become even before the War. We no longer had the slightest idea concerning the essence of the force which can lead men to their death of their own free will and decision. (pgs – 152-153

36. [Military service] As a boy and young man I had so often felt the desire to prove at least once by deeds that for me notional enthusiasm was no empty whim. It often seemed to me almost a sin to shout hurrah perhaps without having the inner right to do so; for who had the right to use this word without having proved it in the place where all playing is at an end and the inexorable hand of the Goddess of Destiny begins to weigh peoples and men according to the truth and steadfastness of their convictions? (pg – 163)

37. [Marxism] The authorities, however, were stupid enough to believe that Marxism had now become ‘national’; a flash of genius which only shows that in these long years none of the official guides of the state had even taken the trouble to study the essence of this doctrine, for if they had, such an absurdity could scarcely have crept in. (pg – 168)

38. [Press] After the very first news of victories, a certain section of the press, slowly, and in a way which at first was perhaps unrecognizable to many began to pour a few drops of wormwood into the general enthusiasm. This was done beneath the mask of a certain benevolence and well-meaning, even of a certain solicitude. They had misgivings about an excess of exuberance in the celebration of the victories. (pg – 166)

39. [Force] One question came to the fore, however: can spiritual ideas be exterminated by the sword? Can ‘philosophies’ be combated by the use of brute force?

. . . The application of force alone, without the impetus of a basic spiritual idea as a starting point, can never lead to the destruction of an idea and its dissemination, except in the form of a complete extermination of even the last exponent of the idea and the destruction of the last tradition. This, however, usually means the disappearance of such a state from the sphere of political importance, often for an indefinite time and sometimes forever; for experience shows that such a blood sacrifice strikes the best part of the people, since every persecution which occurs without a spiritual basis seems morally unjustified and whips up precisely the more valuable parts of the people, in protest, which results in an adoption of the spiritual content of the unjustly persecuted movement. In many this occurs simply through a feeling of opposition against the attempt to bludgeon down an idea by brute force.

As a result, the number of inward supporters grows in proportion as the persecution increases. Consequently, the complete annihilation of the new doctrine can be carried out only through a process of extermination so great and constantly increasing that in the end all the truly valuable blood is drawn out of the people or state in question.

. . . Indeed, nearly all attempts to exterminate a doctrine and its organizational expression, by force without spiritual foundation, are doomed to failure, and not seldom end with the exact opposite of the desired result. . .

. . . Only in the steady and constant application of force lies the very first prerequisite for success. (pgs – 170-171)

40. [Force] Thus, in summing up, we can establish the following:

Any attempt to combat a philosophy with methods of violence will fail in the end, unless the fight takes the form of attack for a new spiritual attitude. Only in the struggle between two philosophies can the weapon of brutal force, persistently and ruthlessly applied, lead to a decision for the side it supports.

This remained the reason for the failure of the struggle against Marxism. (pg – 172)

41. [Reason] In political matters felling often decides more correctly than reason. (pg – 173)

42. [Press] As long as millions of the bourgeoisie still piously worship their Jewish democratic press every morning, it very ill become these gentlemen to make jokes about thestupidity of the ‘comrade’ who, in the last analysis, only swallows down the same garbage in a different form. In both cases the manufacture is one and the same Jew. (pg – 174)

43. [War] The aim for which we were fighting the War was the loftiest, the most overpowering, that man can conceive: it was the freedom and independence of our nation, the security of our future food supply, and – our national honor; a thing which, despite all contrary opinions prevailing today, nevertheless exists, or rather should exist, since peoples without honor have sooner or later lost their freedom and independence, which in turn is only the result of a higher justice, since generations of rabble without honor deserve no freedom. (pg – 177)

44. [War] As for humanitarianism, Moltke [chief of the Prussian General Staff in 1859) said years ago that in war it lies in the brevity of the operation, and that means that the most aggressive fighting technique is the most humane. (pg – 178)

45. [Propaganda] The second really decisive question was this: To whom should propaganda be addressed? To the scientifically trained intelligentsia or to the less educated masses?

It must be addressed always and exclusively to the masses.

When the intelligentsia – or those who today unfortunately often go by the name – what they need is not propaganda but scientific instruction. The content of propaganda is not science any more than the objet represented in a poster is art. (pg – 179)

46. [Propaganda] The function of propaganda does not lie in the scientific training of the individual, but in calling the masses’ attention to certain facts, processes, necessities, etc., whose significance is thus for the first time placed within their field of vision. (pg – 179)

47. [Propaganda] All propaganda must be popular and its intellectual level must be adjusted to the most limited intelligence among those it is addressed to. (pg – 180)

48. [Propaganda] Once we understand how necessary it is for propaganda to be adjusted to the broad mass, the following rule results:

It is a mistake to make propaganda many-sided, like scientific instruction, for instance.

The receptivity of the great masses is very limited, there intelligence is small, but their power of forgetting is enormous. In consequence of these facts, all effective propaganda must be limited to a very few points and must harp on these in slogans until the last member of the public understands what you want him to understand by your slogan. As soon as you sacrifice this slogan and try to be many-sided, the effect will piddle away, for the crowd can neither digest nor retain the material offered. In this way the result is weakened and in the end entirely cancelled out. (pgs – 180-181)

49. [Propaganda] Its [propaganda’s] task is not to make an objective study of the truth, in so far as it favors the enemy, and then set it before the masses with academic fairness; its task is to serve our own right, always and unflinchingly. [pg – 182]

50. [Propaganda] The broad mass of a nation does not consist of diplomats, or even professors of political law, or even individuals capable of forming a rational opinion; it consists of plain mortals, wavering and inclined to doubt and uncertainty. As soon as our own propaganda admits so much as a glimmer of right on the other side, the foundation for doubt in our own right has been laid. The masses are then in no position to distinguish where foreign injustice ends and our own begins. (pg – 183)

51. [Propaganda] The people in their overwhelming majority are so feminine by nature and attitude that sober reasoning determines their thoughts and actions far less than emotion and feeling.

And this sentiment is not complicated, but very simple and all of a piece. It does not have multiple shadings; it has a positive and a negative; love or hate, right or wrong, truth or lie, never half this way and half that way, never partially, or that kind of thing. (pg – 183)

52. [Propaganda] It must confine itself to a few points and repeat them over and over. Here, as so often in this world, persistence is the first and most important requirement for success. (pg – 184)

53. [Propaganda] The purpose of propaganda is not to provide interesting distraction for blasé young gentlemen, but to convince, and what I mean is to convince the masses. (pg- 185)

54. [Propaganda] . . . a slogan must be presented from different angles, but the end of all remarks must always and immutably be the slogan itself. (pg – 185)

55. [Propaganda] All advertising, whether in the field of business or politics, achieves success through the continuity and sustained uniformity of its application. (pg – 185)

56. [Moral] Just as before, the front was flooded with this poison dished up by thoughtless women at home, who, of course, did not suspect that this was the way to raise the enemy’s confidence in victory to the highest pitch, thus consequently to prolong and sharpen the sufferings of their men at the fighting front. In the time that followed, the senseless letters of German women cost hundreds of thousands of men their lives. (pg – 190)

57. [Capitalism] Thus, the task of the state toward capital was comparatively simple and clear: it only had to make certain that capital remained the handmaiden of the state and not fancy itself the mistress of the nation.

. . . Previously I had been unable to recognize with the desire clarity the difference between this pure capital as the end result of productive labor and a capital whose existence and essence rests exclusively on speculation. (pg – 209)

58. [Politics] The enormous difference between the tasks of the theoretician and the politician is also the reason why a union of both in one person is almost never found. . . . The work of such politicians, by the large, is unimportant for posterity, since their successes in the present are based solely on keeping at a distance all really great and profound problems and ideas, which as such would only have been of value for later generations.

The execution of such aims, which have value and significance for the most distant times, usually bring little reward to the man who champions them and rarely finds understanding among the great masses, who for the moment have more understanding for beer and milk regulations than for farsighted plans for the future, whose realization can only occur far hence, and whose benefits will be reaped only by posterity.

Thus, from a certain vanity, which is always a cousin of stupidity, the great mass of politicians will keep far removed from all really weight plans for the future, in order not to lose the momentary sympathy of the great mob. The success and significance of such a politician lie then exclusively in the present, and do not exist for posterity. But small minds are little troubled by this; they are content. (pgs – 211-212)

59. [Ends] For me and all true National Socialists there is but one doctrine: people and fatherland.

What we must fight for is to safeguard the existence and reproduction of our race and our people, the sustenance of our children and the purity of our blood, the freedom and independence of the fatherland, so that our people may mature for the fulfillment of the mission allotted it by the creator of the universe.

Every thought and every idea, every doctrine and all knowledge, must serve this purpose. (pg – 214)

60. [Speaking] . . . I was offered an opportunity of speaking before a large audience; and the thing that I had always presumed from pure feeling without knowing it was now corroborated: I could ‘speak. (pgs – 215-216)

61. [Education] The so-called ‘intelligentsia’ always look down with a really limitless condescension on anyone who has not been dragged through the obligatory schools and had the necessary knowledge pumped into him. The question has never been: What are the man’s abilities? But: What has he learned? To these ‘educated’ people the biggest empty-head, if he is wrapped in enough diplomas, is worth more that the brightest boy who happens to lack the costly envelopes. (pg – 224)

62. [Lie] In this they [Jews and Marxists] proceeded on the sound principle that the magnitude of a lie always contains a certain factor of credibility, since the great masses of the people in the very bottom of their hearts tend to be corrupted rather than consciously and purposely evil, and that, therefore, in view of the primitive simplicity of their minds, they more easily fall a victim to a big line than to a little one , since they themselves lie in little things, but would be ashamed of lies that were too big. (pg- 231)

63. [Jews] The foremost connoisseurs of this truth regarding the possibilities of the use of falsehood and slander have always been the Jews; for after all, their whole existence is based on one single great lie, to wit, that they are a religious community while actually they are a race – and what a race! (pg – 232)

64. [Democracy] One of the worst symptoms of decay was the increasing cowardice in the face of responsibility, as well as the resultant half-heartedness in all things.

To be sure, the starting point of this plague in our country lies in large part in the parliamentary institution in which irresponsibility of the purest breed is cultivated. Unfortunately, this plague slowly spread to all other domains of life, most strongly to state life. Everywhere responsibility was evaded and inadequate half-measures were preferred as a result; for in the use of such measures personal responsibility seems reduced to the smallest dimensions. (pg – 240)

65. [Press] Journalistic circles in particular like to describe the press as a ‘great power’ in the state. As a matter of fact, its importance really is immense. It cannot be overestimated, for the press really continues education in adulthood.

Its readers, by and large, can be divided into three groups:

First, into those who believe everything they read; second, into those who have ceased to believe anything; third, into the minds which critically examine what they read, and judge accordingly.

Numerically, the first group is by far the largest. It consists of the great mass of the people and consequently represents the simplest-minded part of the nation. It cannot be listed in terms of professions, but t most in general degrees of intelligence. To it belong all those who have neither been born nor trained to think independently, and who partly from incapacity and partly from incompetence believe everything that is set before them in black and white. To them also belongs the type of lazybones who could perfectly well think, gut from sheer mental laziness seizes gratefully on everything that someone else has thought, with the modest assumption that someone else has exerted himself considerably. Now, with all these types, who constitute the great masses, the influence of the press will be enormous. They are not able or willing themselves to examine what is set before them, and as a result their whole attitude toward all the problems of the day can be reduced almost exclusively to the outside influence of others. This can be advantageous when their enlightenment is provided by a serious and truth-loving party, but it is catastrophic when scoundrels and liars provide it. (pgs – 240-241)

66. [Press] The state, therefore, has the duty of watching over their education and preventing any mischief. It must particularly exercise strict control over the press; for its influence on these people is by far the strongest and most penetrating, since it is applied, not once in a while, but over and over again. In the uniformity and constant repetition of this instruction lies its tremendous power. If anywhere, therefore, it is here that the state must not forget that all means must serve an end; it must not let itself be confused by the drivel about so-caled ‘freedom of the press’ and let itself be talked into neglecting its duty and denying the nation the food which it needs and which is good for it; with ruthless determination it must make sure of this instrument of popular education, and place it in the service of the state and the nation. (pg – 242)

67. [Press] What food did the German press of the pre-War period dish out to the people? Was it not the worst poison that can even be imagined? Wasn’t the worst kind of pacifism injected into the heart of our people at a time when the rest of the world was preparing to throttle Germany, slowly but surely? Even in peacetime didn’t the press inspire the minds of the people with doubt in the right of their own state, thus from the outset limiting them in the choice of means for its defense? Was it not the German press which knew how to make the absurdity of “western democracy’ palatable to our people until finally, ensnared by all the enthusiastic tirades, they thought they could entrust their future to a League of Nations? Did it not help to teach our people a miserable immorality? Did it not ridicule morality and ethics a backward and petty-bourgeois, until our people finally became ‘modern’? Did it not with its constant attacks undermine the foundations of the state’s authority until a single thrust sufficed to make the edifice collapse? Did it not fight with all possible means against every effort to give unto the state that which is the state’s? Did it not belittle the army with constant criticism, sabotage universal conscription, demand the refusal of military credits, etc., until the result became inevitable? (pgs – 242-243)

68. [Marxism] The so-called liberal press was actively engaged in digging the grave of the German people in the German Rich. We can pass by the lying Marxist sheets in silence’ to them lying is just a vitally necessary as catching mace for a cat; their functions only to break the people’s national and patriotic backbone and make them ripe for the slave’s yoke of international capital and its masters the Jews. (pg – 243)

69. [Social Darwinism] The ultimate wisdom is always the understanding of the instinct – that is: a man must never fall into the lunacy of believing that he ha s really risen to be lord and master of Nature – which is so easily induced by the conceit of half-education; he must understand the fundamental necessity of Nature’s rule, and realize how much his existence is subjected to these laws of eternal fight and upward struggle. Then he will eel that in a universe where planets revolve around suns, and moons turn about planets, where force alone forever master weakness, compelling it to be an obedient slave or else crushing it, there can be no special laws for man. For him, too, the eternal principles of this ultimate wisdom hold sway. He can try to comprehend them; but escape them, never. (pgs – 244-245)

70. [Race] Here again we have a touchstone of a race’s value – the race which cannot stand the test will simply die out, making place for healthier or tougher and more resisting races. For since this question primarily regards the offspring, it is one of those concerning which it is said with such terrible justice that the sins of the fathers are avenged down to the tenth generation. But this applies only to profanation of the blood and the race.

Blood sin and desiccation of the race are the original sin in this world and the end of a humanity which surrenders to it. (pgs – 248-249)

71. [Ends] What we need most was the conviction that first of all the whole attention of the nation had to be concentrated upon this terrible danger [infection and mammonization of our love life], so that every single individual could become inwardly conscious of the importance of this struggle.

. . . In all cases where the fulfillment of apparently impossible demands or tasks is involved, the whole attention of a people must be focused and concentrated on this one question, as though live and death actually depended on its solution. Only in this way will a people be made willing and able to perform great tasks and exertions. (pg – 249)

72. [Ends] Anyone who does not so divide that road to be conquered into separate stages and does not try to conquer these one by one, systematically with the sharpest concentration of all his forces, will never be able to reach the ultimate goal, but will be left lying somewhere along the road, or perhaps even off it. This gradual working up to a goal is an art, and to conquer the road step by step is this way you must throw in your last ounce of energy. (pg 250)

73. [Education] . . . education and training must eradicate a number of evils about which today no one bothers at all. Above all, in our present education a balance must be created between mental instruction and physical training. The institution that is called a Gymnasium today is a mockery of the Greek model. In our educational system it has been utterly forgotten that in the long run a healthy mind can dwell only in a healthy body. Especially if we bear in mind the mass of the people, aside form a few exceptions this statement becomes absolutely valid. (pg – 253)

74. [Pornography] There is no freedom to sin at the cost of posterity and hence of the race.

Parallel to the training of the body, a struggle against the poison of the soul must begin. Our whole public life today is like a hothouse for sexual ideas and stimulation. Just look at the bil of fare served up in our movies, vaudeville and theaters, and you will hardly be able to deny that this is not the right kind of food, particularly for the youth. In shop windows and billboards the vilest means are used to attract the attention of the crowd. Anyone who has not lost the ability to think himself into their soul must realize that this must cause great damage in youth. This sensual, sultry atmosphere leads to ideas and stimulations at a time when the boy should have no understanding of such things. The result of this kind of education can be studied in present-day youth, and it is not exactly gratifying. (pg – 254)

75. [Pornography] Anyone who refuses to see these things supports them, and thereby makes himself an accomplice in the slow prostitution of our future which, whether we like it or not, lies in the coming generation. This cleansing of our culture must be extended to nearly all fields. Theater, art, literature, cinema, press, posters, and window displays must be cleansed of all manifestation of our rotting world and placed in the service of a moral, political, and cultural idea. (pg – 255)

76. [Art] Even before the turn of the century an element began to intrude into our art which up to that time could be regarded as entirely foreign and unknown. To be sure, even in earlier times there were occasional aberrations of taste, built such cases were rather artistic derailments, to which posterity could attribute at least a certain historical value, than products no longer of an artistic degeneration, but of a spiritual degeneration that had reached the point of destroying the spirit. In them the political collapse, which later became more visible, was culturally indicated.

Art Bolshevism is the only possible cultural form and spiritual expression of Bolshevism as a whole.

Anyone to who this seems strange need only subject the art of the happily Bolshevized states to an examination, and, to his horror, he will be confronted by the morbid excrescences (blots) of insane and degenerate men, with which, since the turn of the century, we have become familiar under the collective concept of cubism and Dadaism, as the official and recognized art of those states. Even in the short period of eh Bavarian Republic of Councils, this phenomenon appeared. Even here it could be seen that all the official posters, propagandist drawings in the newspapers, ect., bore the imprint, not only of political but of cultural decay.

No more than a political collapse of the present magnitude would have been conceivable sixty years ago was a cultural collapse such as began to manifest itself in futurist and cubist works since 1900 thinkable. Sixty years ago an exhibition of so-called Dadaistic ‘experiences’ would have seemed simply impossible and its organizers would have ended you in the madhouse, while today they even preside over art associations. This plague could not appear at the time, because neither would public opinion have tolerated it nor the state calmly looked on. For it is the business of the state, in other words, of its leaders, to prevent a people from being driven into the arms of spiritual madness. And this is where such a development would some day inevitably end. (pgs – 258 - 259)

77. [Art] The baser and more contemptible the products of the time and its people, the more it hates the witnesses to the greater nobility and dignity of a former day. In such times the people would best like to efface every possibility of comparison they could pass off their own trash as ‘art’. Hence every new institution, the more wretched and miserable it is, will try all the harder to extinguish the last traces of the past time, whereas every true renascence of humanity can start with an easy mind from the good achievements of past generation; in fact. Can often make them truly appreciated for the first time. . . Only those who can give nothing valuable to the world, but try to act as if they were going to give it God know what, will hate everything that was previously given and would best like to negate or even destroy it. . .

Therefore, if any new idea, a doctrine, a new philosophy, or even a political or economic movement tries to deny the entire past, tries to make it bad or worthless, for this reason alone we must be extremely cautious and suspicious. As a rule the reason for such hatred is either its own inferiority or even an evil intention as such. . .

Thus, the saddest thing about the state of our whole culture of the pre-War period was not only the total impotence of artistic and cultural creative power in general but the hatred with which the memory of the greater past was besmirched and effaced. In nearly every field of art, especially in the theater and literature, we began around the turn of the century to produce less that was new and significant, but to disparage the best of the old work and represent it as inferior and surpassed; as though this epoch of the most humiliating inferiority could surpass anything at all. And form this effort to remove the past from the eyes of the present, the evil intent of the apostles of the future could clearly and distinctly be seen. But this it should have been recognized that these were no new, even if false, cultural conceptions, but a process of destroying all culture, paving the way for a stultification of healthy artistic feeling: the spiritual preparation of political Bolshevism. For if the age of Pericles seems embodied in the Parthenon, the Bolshevistic present is embodied in a cubist monstrosity.

In this connection we must also point to the cowardice which here again was manifest in the section of our people which on the basis of its education and position should have been obligated to resist this cultural disgrace. But from pure fear of the clamor raised by the apostles of Bolshevistic art, who furiously attacked anyone who didn’t want to recognize the crown of creation in them and pilloried him as a backward philistine, they renounced all serious resistance and reconciled themselves to what seemed after al inevitable. They were positively scared stiff that these half-wits or scoundrels would accuse them of lack of understanding’ as though it were a disgrace not to understand the products of spiritual degenerates of slimy swindlers. These cultural disciples, it is true, possessed a very simple means of passing off their nonsense as something God knows how important” they passed off all sorts of incomprehensible and obviously crazy stuff on their amazed fellow men as a so-called inner experience. A cheap way of taking any word of opposition out of the mouths of most people in advance. For beyond a doubt this could be an inner experience; the doubtful part was whether it is permissible to dish up the hallucinations of lunatics or criminals to the healthy world. The works of a Moritz von Schwind, or of a Bocklin, were also an inner experience, but of artists graced by God and not of clowns.

Here was a good occasion to study the pitiful cowardice of our so-called intelligentsia, which dodged any serious resistance to this poioning of the healthy instinct of our people and left it to the people themselves to deal with this insolent nonsense. In order not to be considered lacking in artistic understanding, people stood for every mockery of art and ended up by becoming really undrtainin the judgment of good and bad.

All in all, these were tokens of time that were getting very bad. (pgs – 260-262)

78. [Religion] Not the smallest blame for the not too delectable religious conditions must be borne by those who encumber the religious idea with too many things of a purely earthly nature and thus often bring it into a totally unnecessary conflict with so-called exact science. In this victory will almost always fall to the latter, though perhaps after a hard struggle, and religion will suffer serious damage in the eyes of all those who are unable to raise themselves above the purely superficial knowledge.

Worst of all, however, is the devastation wrought by the misuse of religious conviction for political ends. (pg – 268)

79. [Propaganda] The fact that by clever and persevering use of propaganda even heaven can be represented as hell to the people, and conversely the most wretched life as paradise, was know only to the Jew, who acted accordingly; the German, or rather his government hadn’t the faintest idea of this. (pg – 276)

80. [Military Service] In the morass of a universally spreading softening and effeminization, each year three hundred and fifty thousand vigorous young men sprang from the ranks of the army, men who in their two year’s training had lost the softness of youth and achieved bodies hard as steel. The young man who practiced obedience during this time could then learn to command. By his very step you could recognize the soldier who had done his service. (pg – 281)

81. [Race] The deepest and ultimate reason for the decline of the old Reich lay in its failure to recognize the racial problem and its importance for the historical development of peoples. For events in the lives of people are not expressions of chance, but processes related to the self-preservation and propagation of the species and the race and subject to the laws of Nature, even if people are not conscious of the inner reason for their actions. (pg – 283)

82. [Social Darwinism] Therefore, here, too, the struggle among themselves arises less from inner aversion than from hunger and love. In both cases, Nature looks on calmly, with satisfaction, in fact. In the struggled for daily bread all those who are weak and sickly or less determined succumb, while the struggle of the males for the female grants the right or opportunity to propagate only to the healthiest. And struggle is always a means for improving a species’ health and power of resistance and, therefore, a case of its higher development. (pg – 285)

83. [Race] North America, whose population consists in by far the largest part of Germanic elements who mixed but little with the lower colored peoples, shows a different humanity and culture from Central and South America, where the predominantly Latin immigrants often mixed with the aborigines on a large scale. By this one example, we can clearly and distinctly recognize the effect of racial mixture. The Germanic inhabitant of the American continent, who has remained racially pure and unmixed, rose to be masters of the continent; he will remain the master as long as he does not fall a victim of defilement of the blood.

The result of all racial crossing is therefore in brief always the following:

(a) Lowering of the level of the higher race;


(b) Physical in intellectual regression and hence the beginning of a slowly but surely progressing sickness.

To bring about such a development is, then, nothing else but to sin against the will of the eternal creator. (pg – 286)

84. [Relativism] Without human beings there is no human idea in the world, therefore, the idea as such is always conditioned by the presence of human beings and hence of all the laws which created the precondition for their existence. (pr – 287)

85. [Social Darwinism] Those who want to live, let them fight, and those who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live. (pg – 289)

86. [Race] It is idle to argue which race or races were the original representative of human culture and hence the real founders of all that we sum up under the world ‘humanity.’ It is simpler to raise this question with regard to the present, and here an easy, clear answer results. All the human culture, all the results of art, science, and technology that we see before us today, are almost exclusively the creative product of the Aryan. (pg – 290)

87. [Race] Approximately the following picture of their development always results:

Aryan races – often absurdly small numerically – subject foreign peoples, and then, stimulated by the special living conditions of the new territory (fertility, climatic conditions, etc.) and assisted by the multitude of lower-type beings standing at their disposal as helpers, develop the intellectual and organizational capacities dormant within them. Often in a few millenniums or even centuries they create cultures which originally bear all the inner characteristics of their nature, adapted to the above-indicated special qualities of the soil and subjected beings. In the end, however, the conquerors transgress against the principle of blood purity, to which they had first adhered; they begin to mix with the subjugated inhabitants and thus end their own existence; for the fall of man in paradise has always been followed by his expulsion. (pg – 292)

88. [Genius] Though an inventor, for example, establishes his fame only on the day of his invention, it is a mistake to think that genius as such entered into the man only at this hour – the spark of genius exists in the brain of the truly creative man from the hour of his birth. True genius is always inborn and never cultivated, let alone learned. (pg – 293)

89. [Race] Hence it is no accident that the first cultures arose in places where the Aryan, in his encounters with lower peoples, subjugated them and bent them to his will. They then became the first technical instrument in the service of a developing culture.

Thus, the road which the Aryan had to take was clearly marked out. As a conqueror he subjected the lower beings and regulated their practical activity under his command, according to his will and for his aims. But in directing them to a useful, though arduous activity, he not only spared the life of those he subjected; perhaps he gave them a fate that was better than their previous so-called ‘freedom.’ As long as he ruthlessly upheld the master attitude, not only did he really remain master, but also the preserver and increaser of culture. For culture was based exclusively on his abilities and hence on his actual survival. As soon as the subjected peoples began to raise themselves up and probably approached the conqueror in language, the sharp dividing wall between master and servant fell. The Aryan gave up the purity of his blood and, therefore, lost his sojourn in the paradise which he had made for himself. He became submerged in the racial mixture, and gradually, more and more, lost his cultural capacity, until at last, not only mentally but also physically, he began to resemble the subjected aborigines more than his own ancestors. For a time he could live on the existing cultural benefits, but then petrifaction set in and he fell pray to oblivion. (pgs – 295-296)

90. [Idealism] The state of mind, which subordinates the interests of the ego to the conservation of the community, is really the first premise for every truly human culture. From it alone can arise all the great works of mankind, which bring the founder little reward, but the richest blessings to posterity. (pg – 298)

91. [Idealism] The basic attitude from which such activity arises, we call – the distinguish it from egoism and selfishness – idealism. By this we understand only the individual’s capacity to make sacrifices for the community, for his fellow men.

How necessary it is to keep realizing that idealism does not represent a superfluous expression of emotion, but that in truth it has been, is, and will be, the premise for what we designate as human culture, yes, that it alone created the concept of ‘man’! It is to this inner attitude that the Aryan owes his position in the world, and to it the world owes man; for it alone formed from pure spirit the creative force which, by a unique pairing of brutal fist and the intellectual genius, created the monuments of human culture. (pgs – 298-299)

92. [Idealism] But, since true idealism is nothing but the subordination of the interests and life of the individual to the community, and this in turn is the precondition for the creation of organizational forms of all kinds, it corresponds in its innermost depths to the ultimate will of Nature. It alone leads men to voluntary recognition of the privilege of force and strength, and thus makes them into a dust particle of that order which shapes and forms the whole universe. (pg – 299)

93. [Idealism] Especially, therefore, at times when the ideal attitude threatens to disappear, we can at once recognize a diminution of that force which forms the community and thus creates the premise of culture. As soon as egoism becomes the ruler of a people, the bands of order are loosened and in the chase after their own happiness men fall from heaven into a real hell.

Yes, even posterity forgets the men who have only served their own advantage and praises the heroes who have renounced their own happiness. (pg 300)

94. [Jews] The Jew is only united when a common danger forces him to be or a common booty entices him; if these two grounds are lacking, the qualities of the crassest egoism come into their own, and in the twinkling of an eye the united people turns into a horde of rats, fighting bloodily among themselves. (pg – 302)

95. [Jews] Hence the Jewish people, despite all apparent intellectual qualities, is without any true culture, and especially without any culture of its own. For what sham culture the Jew today possesses is the property of other peoples, and for the most part it is ruined in his hands.

. . . What they do accomplish in the field of art is either patchwork or intellectual theft. Thus, the Jew lacks those qualities which distinguish the races that are creative and hence culturally blessed.

To what an extent the Jew takes over foreign culture, imitating or rather ruining it, can be seen from the fact that he is mostly found in the art which seems to require least original invention, the art of acting. (pgs – 302-303)

95. [Jews] No, the Jew possesses no culture-crating force of any sort, since the idealism, without which there is no true higher development of man, is not present in him and never was present. (pg – 303)

97. [Jews] If we consider how greatly he [Jews] has sinned against the masses in the course of the centuries, how he has squeezed and sucked their blood again and again; if furthermore, we consider how the people gradually learned to hate him for this, and ended up by regarding his existence as nothing but a punishment of Heaven for the other peoples, we can understand how hard this shift must be for the Jew. Yes, it is an arduous task suddenly to present himself to his flayed victims as a ‘friend of mankind.’ (pg 313)

98. [Jews] And this nationality he [Jews] guards as never before, While he seems to overflow with ‘enlightenment,’ ‘progress,’ freedom,’ humanity,’ etc., he himself practices the severest segregation of his race. To be sure, he sometimes palms off his women on influential Christians, but as a matter of principle he always keeps his male line pure. He poisons the blood of others, but preserves his own. The Jew almost never marries a Christian woman; it is a Christian who marries a Jewess. The bastards, however, take after the Jewish side. . . In order to mask his activity and lull his victims, however, he talks more and more of the equality of all men without regard to race and color. The fools begin to believe him. (pgs – 315 -316)

99. [Democracy] His [Jews] ultimate goal in this stag is the victory of ‘democracy,’ or, as he understands it: the rule of parliamentarianism. It is most compatible with his requirements; for it excludes the personality – and puts in its place the majority characterized by stupidity, incompetency, and last but not least, cowardice. (pg – 316)

100. [Social Security] The state finally found a way out of this unhealthy condition by assuming the care of the state employee who could not himself provide for his old age; it introduced the pension. Slowly, more and more enterprises followed this example, so that nearly every regularly employed brain-worker draws a pension in later life, provided the concern he works in has achieved or surpassed a certain size. (pg -317)

101. [Marxism] Thus there arises a pure movement entirely of manual workers under Jewish leadership apparently aimed to improve the situation of the worker, but in truth planning the enslavement and with it the destruction of all non-Jewish peoples. (pg – 320)

102. [Unions] In keeping with all his inner rapacious brutality, he [Jews] at once teaches the trade-union movement the most brutal use of violence. If anyone by his intelligence resists the Jewish lures, his defiance and understanding are broken by terror. The success of such an activity is enormous.

Actually the Jew by means of the trade union, which could be a blessing for the nation, shatters the foundations of the national economy. (pgs – 322-323)

103. [Unions] Parallel with this, the political organization advances.

It plays hand in glove with the trade-union movement, for the latter prepares the masses for political organization, in fact, lashes them into it with violence and coercion Furthermore, it is the permanent financial source from which the political organization feeds its enormous apparatus. It is the organ controlling the political activity of the individual and does the pandering in all big demonstrations of a political nature. In the end it no longer comes out for political interests at all, but places its chief instrument of struggle, the cessation of work in the form of a mass and general strike, in the service of the political idea. (pgs – 322-323)

104. [Press] By the creation of a press whose content is adapted to the intellectual horizon of the least educated people, the political and trade-union organization finally obtains the agitational institution by which the lowest strata of the nation are made ripe for the most reckless acts. Its function is not to lead people out of the swamp of a base mentality to a higher state, but to cater to their lowest instincts. Since the masses are as mentally lazy as they are sometimes presumptuous, this is a business as speculative as it is profitable.

It is this press, above all, which wags a positively fanatical and slanderous struggle, tearing down everything which can be regarded as a support of national independence, cultural elevation, and the economic independence of the nation. (pg – 323)

105. [Jews] It doesn’t even enter their heads to build up a Jewish state in Palestine for the purpose of living there; all they want is a central organization for their international world swindle, endowed with its own sovereign rights and removed from the intervention of other states: a haven for convicted scoundrels and a university of budding crooks. (pg – 325)

106. [Race] With satanic joy in his face, the black-haired Jewish youth lurks in wait for the unsuspecting girl whom he defiles with this blood, thus stealing her from her people. With every means he tries to destroy the racial foundations of he people he has set out to subjugate. Just as he himself systematically ruins women and girls, he does not shrink back from pulling down the blood barriers for others, even on a large scale, it was and it is Jews who bring the Negroes into the Rhineland, always with the same secret thought and clear aim of ruining the hated white race by the necessarily resulting bastardization, throwing it down from its cultural and political height, and himself rising to be its master. (pg – 325)

107. [Marxism] And in politics he [Jews] begins to replace the idea of democracy by the dictatorship of the proletariat.

In the organized mass of Marxism he has found the weapon which lets him dispense with democracy and in its stead allows him to subjugate and govern the peoples with a dictatorial and brutal fist. (pgs – 325-326)

108. [Politics] In the political field he [Jews] refuses the state the means for its self-preservation, destroys the foundations of all national self-maintenance and defense, destroy faith in the leadership, scoffs at its history and past, and drags everything that is truly great into the gutter. (pg – 326)

109. [Culture] Culturally he [Jews] contaminates art, literature, the theater, makes a mockery of natural feeling, overthrows all concepts of beauty and sublimity, of the noble and the good and instead drags men down into the sphere of his own base nature. (pg – 326)

110. [Religion] Religion is ridiculed, ethics and morality represented as outmoded, until the last props of a nation in its struggle for existence in the world have fallen.] (pg – 326)

111. [Race] If we pass all the causes of the Germans collapse in review, the ultimate and most decisive remains the failure to recognize the racial problem and especially the Jewish menace. . . Peoples which bastardize themselves, or let themselves be bastardized, sin against the will of eternal Providence, and when their ruin is encompassed by a stronger enemy it is not an injustice done to them, but only the restoration of justice. . . The lost purity of the blood alone destroys inner happiness forever, plunges man into the abyss for all time, and the consequences can never more be eliminated from body and spirit. (pg – 327)

112. [Nationalism] Thus, by 1919 we clearly realized that, as its highest aim, the new movement must first accomplish the nationalization of the masses. (pg 336)

113. [Reason] Faith is harder to shake than knowledge, love succumbs less to change than respect, hate is more enduring that aversion, and the impetus to the mightiest upheavals on the earth has at all times consisted less in a scientific knowledge dominating the masses than in a fanaticism which inspired them and sometimes in a hysteria which drove them forward. (pgs – 337-338)

114. [Race] In the blood alone resides the strength as well as the weakness of man. As long as peoples do not recognize and give heed to the importance of their racial foundation, they are like men who would like to teach poodles the qualities of greyhounds, failing to realize that the speed of the greyhound like the docility of the poodle are not learned, but are qualities inherent in the race. Peoples which renounce the preservation of their racial purity renounce with it the unity of their soul in all its expressions. The divided state of their nature is the natural consequence of the divided state of their blood, and the change in their intellectual and creative force is only the effect of the change in their racial foundations. (pg – 338)

115. [Race] Without the clearest knowledge of the racial problem and hence of the Jewish problem there will never be resurrection of the German nation. (pg – 339)

116. [Class] Organizing the broad masses of our people which are today in the international camp into a national people’s community does not mean renouncing the defense of justified class interests. Divergent class and professional interests are not synonymous with class cleavage, but are natural consequences of our economic life. Professional grouping is in no way opposed to a true national community, for the latter consists in the unity of a nation in all those questions which affect this nation as such.

The integration of an occupational group which has become a class with the national community, or merely with the state, is not accomplished by the lowering of higher classes but by uplifting the lower classes. (pg – 339)

117. [Workers] Just as surely as a worker sins against the spirit of a real national community when, without regard for the common welfare and the survival of the national economy, he uses his power to raise extortionate demands, an employer breaks this community to the same extent when he conducts his business in an inhuman, exploiting way, misuses the national labor force and makes millions out of its sweat. He then has no right to designate himself as national, no right to speak of a national community; no, he is a selfish scoundrel who induces social unrest and provokes future conflicts which whatever happens must end in harming the nation. (pg – 340)

118. [Speaking] Among a hundred so-called speakers there are hardly ten capable of speaking with equal effect today before a public consisting of street-sweepers, locksmiths, sewer-cleaners, etc., and tomorrow holding a lecture with necessarily the same thought content in an auditorium full of university professors and students. But among a thousand speakers there is perhaps only a single one who can manage to speak to locksmiths and university professors at the same time, in a form which not only is suitable to the receptivity of both parties but also influences both parties with equal effect or actually lashes them into a wild storm of applause. We must always bear in mind that even the most beautiful idea of a sublime theory in most cases can be disseminated only through the small and smallest minds. The important thing is not what the genius who has created an idea has in mine, but what, in what form, and with what success the prophets of this idea transmit it to the broad mass. (pg – 342)

119. [Propaganda] Propaganda must be adjusted to the broad masses in content and in form, and its soundness is to be measured exclusively by its effective result.

In a mass meeting of all classes it is not the speaker who is mentally closest to the intellectuals present who speak best, but the one who conquers the hearts of the masses. (pg – 342)

120. [Ends] Success is the one earthly judge concerning the right or wrong of such an effort, and under success we must not understand, as in the year 1918, the achievement of power in itself, but an exercise of that power that will benefit the nation. (pg – 343)

121. [Leader] . . . The young movement is in its nature and inner organization anti-parliamentarian; that is, it rejects, in general and in its own inner structure, a principle of majority rule in which the leader is degraded to the level of a mere executant of other people’s will and opinion. In little as well as big things, the movement advocates the principle of a Germanic democracy: the leader is elected, but then enjoys unconditional authority.

. . . The leader is always elected, but there by he is vested with unlimited powers and authority. (pg – 344)

122. [Democracy] The progress and culture of humanity are not a product of the majority, but rest exclusively on the genius and energy of the personality.

To cultivate the personality and establish it in its right is one of the prerequisites for recovering the greatness and power of our nationality.

Hence the movement is anti-parliamentarian, and even its participation in a parliamentary institution can only imply activity for its destruction, for eliminating an institution in which we must see one of the graves symptoms of mankind’s decay. (pg – 345)

123. [Religion] Its task is not a religious reformation, but a political reorganization of our people. In both religious denomination it sees equally valuable pillars for the existence of our people and therefore combats those parties which want to degrade this foundation of an ethical, moral, and religious consolidation of our national body to the level of an instrument of their party interests. (pgs – 345-346)

124. [Lies] It must, over and over again, be pointed out to the adherents of the movement and in a broader sense to the whole people that the Jew and his newspapers always lie and that even an occasional truth is only intended to cover a bigger falsification and is therefore itself in turn a deliberate untruth. The Jew is the great master in lying, and lies and deception are his weapons in struggle. (pgs – 351-352)

125. [Speaking] I spoke for thirty minutes, and what before I had simply felt within me, without in any way knowing it, was now proved by reality: I could speak! After thirty minutes the people in the small room were electrified and the enthusiasm was first expressed by the fact that my appeal to the self-sacrifice of those present led to the donation of three hundred marks. (pg – 355)